“When the power needed by the customers is too important than what is available, JIRAMA has to cut it” This is the first statement that you can see on the page under the category “powercut” from JIRAMA‘s web site. This means nothing else than: “powercuts are never the fault of the JIRAMA … customers are too power foodie”



JIRAMA is a state owned company which activities are exclusively focused on the production and supply of electricity and water. Even if the sector has been liberalized and open to any investor, JIRAMA remains the most important actor within the market specifically due to its large supplying framework throughout Madagascar. Power supply has always been a big issue and also a big challenge for JIRAMA. Combination of delapidated supply framework, need increasing, deficiency offer and last but not least: bad management and money misappropriation, have always helped to dig JIRAMA’s grave deeper and deeper while Malagasy population are left in the darkness.


The situation of JIRAMA has really worsened during the transition (2009 – 2013) where the public water and power supplier was among the most regular cash cows of the transition leaders. The situation has become so unstable (long powercut everyday) that a group of young men and women, gathered under the flag of citizen action movement: WAKE UP MADAGASCAR, have decided to protest publicly against powercut.


Citizen action which is among the most popular ways of demonstration, is quite still unknown in Madagascar. WAKE UP MADAGASCAR was born on Facebook and now it gathers young and very hyper-motivated activists who still believe that this new way to protest, is the right thing to do to change Madagascar.


So they decided to make a soundless chain around Anosy lake – downtown of Antananarivo – last Saturday, to show how tired they are with JIRAMA’s powercut. As some of them said: “we are JIRAMA’s customers, we then have the right to know what is happening there”


I was astonished to see the reaction of the authorities. The head of the Analamanga region gendarmerie has warned: “Whatever you do, as long as it is a public gathering, you need to apply for an authorization before the prefet. If you don’t do so, your action will be deemed as illegal and therefore you will be arrested and bear the pertaining sanctions.” So we can do nothing in Madagascar? Citizen expression is banned … please remind me for what purpose Andry Rajoelina’s supporters have foughted.


The immediate consequence was that there were many citizens who were afraid to take part into the demonstration. Antananarivo people are afraid of clash against security forces. Antananarivo people are tired … they don’t have dreams anymore, they don’t live, they survive …

10734190_315500338649890_2213264778669176026_nBut despite such fear, some courageous activists have decided to show to the whole nation that it was still possible to express ones’ voices in a “police state” like Madagascar. All together, they stood up, they reached each and everyone’s hands and they wore their little signs in which they wrote: “Tired of powercut! JIRAMA stop the powercut! We have the right to light! …”


There was no clash even if there were more armed security forces than protesters. WAKE UP MADA, last Saturday, has won its bet: YES! Citizen action is possible in Madagascar! Thank you Guys! WAKE UP MADA rocks!


Two years ago …

26 January 2009 – 26 January 2011. Two years ago, the population of Antananarivo suffered in what we all know as the “Black Monday”. Two years ago, Andry Rajoelina who was at that time the mayor of Antananarivo, led his supporters to loot and burn all the companies owned by the president Marc Ravalomanana (TIKO, MAGRO, MBS, …) and all the great companies which made the pride of the capital (ZOOM, COURTS, CORA, …). Two years ago, the population of Antananarivo lived in complete fear and despair, wondering if there was still a real state of law in Madagascar. Check this if you want to know what happened that day.

Black Monday

“Black Monday” was, for me, the undeniable evidence that the power of the president Marc Ravalomanana as well as the government, were completely regressing. January 26, 2009 was also Andry Rajoelina’s D day to show his real power, a power funded by local business people, expressed by the violence from some hundreds of He-Men (all located in the Ghettos of Antananarivo), the complicity of the Malagasy armed forces (Army – Gendarmerie – Police) and the active but covered backing of a powerful European nation which has never tolerated Marc Ravalomanana’s boldness and independence. “Black Monday” was above all a strong hit against the safety feeling of Antananarivo people.

Consequences …

Andry Rajoelina won a kind of psychic battle: after January 26, 2009, the entire population of Antananarivo was too afraid to go out of their houses, and felt unsecured. After Black Monday, Andry Rajoelina was seen like the real head of the capital city and its streets. His hooligans could do whatever they wanted in almost all the districts of Antananarivo.

And now?

And now, what? Andry Rajoelina got the power and he’s still there (and intends to stay there for a while). The day of January 26 is just like any other day in the calendar, no remembrance, nothing …. just as if two years ago, nothing happened …



Clashes between security forces and members of the three main opposition movements (Ravalomanana – Ratsiraka – Zafy) increased yesterday.

Few days ago, the three movements filed an official request before the municipality of Antananarivo and police prefecture to use the MALACAM stadium located in Antanimena (MALACAM stadium is known for its rugby contests) as Ambohijatovo square “Democracy place”, the skyroof theater of Antsahamanitra and Mahamasina stadium, are definitely forbidden for them. After negotiations, the president of the special delegation for the urban district of Antananarivo, Edgard Razafindravahy, allowed them to use the MALACAM stadium which is just across MAGRO Behoririka, the headquarters of Marc Ravalomanana’s supporters, for the date of November 10th and 12th. Monja Roindefo, the former prime minister of the transition (he still claims to be the prime minister) also filed a request to use this stadium for November 13th and he succeded. Their common point is that they both denounce the November 17th referendum.

Last Tuesady, the prime minister, General Camille Vital, after a meeting with the high officers within the Joint Body of Conception, decided (after municipality’s decision) to ban all the political public events which are not directly linked to the electoral propaganda in order to instaure a global quiet climate during the electoral propaganda and the referendum. Consequently, the police commissioner for the urban district of Antananarivo, Odilon Francis Rasoanaivo, rejected the requests from the three movements and from Monja Roindefo.

Tear gas reply

Nevertheless, yesterday noon, the three movements insisted “peacefully” to have access to the MALACAM stadium. The stadium was already “heavily” occupied by security forces early in the morning. In the afternoon, in order to make people scatter (because the supporters of the three movements who stayed all around the stadium became too numerous), the security forces launched several tear gas. Panic in Antanimena.The three movements withdrew to MAGRO BEHORIRIKA.

Ankatso students

Despite the police blockades, the students of the university of Antananarivo could manage to join Antanimena. Security forces who kept MALACAM stadium were immediately reinforced and started to run after the protesters.


The three movements and the Ankatso students put many blockades in Analankely, Behoririka, Ankadifotsy, Antanimena, Soarano  and Ambohijatovo. They were all forced by security forces.


Many advertising hoardings, bus shelters and cars were destroyed by protesters. As far as I could see by myself, the “vandals” were very young, teenagers. I now remember what a friend journalist told me yesterday when I asked him about these vandals: “It’s the Play Station generation!” Nevertheless, I could notice that in each “team” of young vandals, there was at least one adult who gave instructions.

At least three cars were vandalized by these protesters:

One 407 Peugeot sedan vandalized and set on fire near Ramaroson building Behoririka;

A Mazda van who transported Indo-Pakistanese children, vandalized and set on fire near BFV bank agency Behoririka: one of the kids was severely injured at the head.

A Kangoo Renault, vandalized and set on fire near Notre Dame school, Antanimena.

Racism and Xenophobia

While listening to the vandals/protesters (are they really part of the three movements or Ankatso students?), I was just wondering if the “cause” was not completely mislead. It really turned out to be operations against Indo-Pakistanese, Chinese and White foreigners …. The protesters stoned all the shops who belonged to Chinese and Indo-Pakistanese and even tried to force their doors. I heard something like “Let that shop down man … I know the owner, he’s just a poor broke looser …” All the cars with White foreigners who passed by Behoririka , Antohomadinika and Ankazomanga (all popular districts) faced sporadic stonings.


In the evening, after these young vandals destroyed a bus shelter in Behoririka, just below the bridge of Antaninandro (that belonged to TELMA), I clearly heard: “Now, it is the turn of Supreme Center!” I don’t knwo if it was a joke but I heard some laughs as reply …

Yesterday was a hot and hard day … Antananarivo population are bored of all of that mess … We have already suffred a lot with all the lootings and abusive and senseless destructions during the orange revolution of Andry Rajoelina in 2009. I do understand that each political movement has to be respected with its right to express its opinion in public and to make public meetings in places which fit them, but I will never accept and be part of these wild and intellectualy poor scenes of looting and public destruction.

If the three movements want to have a chance to count on public’s eyes, they should first of all, master their stupid elements. Why the hell did they let these young teenagers destroy these cars and bus shelters? The place of teenagers is either at school or at home!

The ministry of mines and energy calls Charles Randrianasoavina

No this is not a joke … unfortunately, this is not a joke …

In order to fight against the traffic of mining products, the minister of mines and energy, Mamy Ratovomalala, has officially appointed the famous Lieutenant Colonel, Charles Randrianasoavina to be in charge of the “brigade control of mines and lapidary”. This is a department within the ministry of mines and energy which fights against mining fraud and traffic.

For those who do not know the Lieutenant Colonel Charles Randrianasoavina, he was among the CAPSAT (a military camp which stores and fixes all the weapons and ammunition of the Malagasy Army – the mutiny of the Malagasy Army against Ravalomanana’s regime started there with CAPSAT troops on March 08th, 2009)  officers who conspired against the Ravalomanana’s regime.

The Lieutenant Colonel Charles Randrianasoavina was the officer who interrupted the meeting between the representatives of the International Community, the three top ranked generals of  the Malagasy Army who were scheduled to lead a Military regime, Andry Rajoelina and his close collaborators, threatened the US ambassador, Neils Marquardt, with his Kalashnikov, arrested the Pastor Lala Rasendrahasina, president of the FJKM (Protestant church), and forced the three top ranked generals to go to the CAPSAT camp, on March 17th, 2009 at the EPISCOPAT (Catholic premises) Antanimena.

The Lieutenant Colonel Charles Randrianasoavina was the officer who proceeded to the arrest of Ralitera Andrianandraina, in charge of the security of the High Constitutional Court, on April 28th, 2009.

The Lieutenant Colonel Charles Randrianasoavina was the officer who proceeded to the arrest of Manandafy Rakotonirina and Mrs. Ihanta Randriamandranto, both leaders of the pro-Ravalomanana movement,  on April 30th, 2009 at the Carlton Hotel.

The Lieutenant Colonel Charles Randrianasoavina was the officer who clearly death threatened Joaquim Chissano on August 28th, 2009 at the International airport of  Ivato. While waiting for the return of the politicians who took part into the Maputo II negotiations round, he declared to the journalists: “if he (Joaquim Chissano) comes to Madagascar, he will deal with me …” On that day, he wanted to arrest (again) Manandafy Rakotonirina for having slandered against the Malagasy Army.

The Lieutenant Colonel Charles Randrianasoavina is now the co-director of the FIS (Intervention Force of Security) – this is the armed militia of Andry Rajoelina that the European Union wants to disarm. He took and still takes bloody and rough actions against the pro-Ravalomanana supporters when these latters want to demonstrate on the streets.

The Lieutenant Colonel Charles Randrianasoavina is now among the directors of the JIRAMA (national company which provides water and energy). He was and still is behind armed assaults against wealthy businessmen and companies.

The list is too long to be all posted here … this just an extract, few sample of how “incredible man” is Charles Randrianasoavina, a soldier who became a gangster. One thing is sure, his name with his accomplice, the Lieutenant Colonel Lylison Charles, will be on the “black list” of the AU as among the “grantees” for the “targeted sanctions”.

Few weeks ago, on March 08th, 2010, The Lieutenant Charles Randrianasoavina, during the celebration of the one year of the CAPSAT’s mutiny, declared in a interview to Antsiva radio (FM radio which belongs to the mayor PDS of Antananarivo) that he was not satisfied with his current situation (he was already director of JIRAMA and co-director of FIS at that time!). He also said that he could have become president of Madagascar if he has ever wanted. He did not deny that he and his brothers in arms at CAPSAT have done a coup and that on March 17th, 2009, he forced the three top ranked generals to hand over the power to Andry Rajoelina.

Now then in Madagascar, we have a mercenary who has lost his military honor with three caps (FIS – JIRAMA – mining brigade). One thing is sure: he is the right man at the right place if it is to impose a real dictatorship in Madagascar. The dictatorship of Andry rajoelina … but, is it really sure that he respects Andry Rajoelina? Not that sure … I always remember what the Lieutenant Colonel Charles Randrianasoavina and the Lieutenant Colonel Lylison Charles (he belongs to the Gendarmerie), have said at MAGRO Ankorondrano when “chasing” Raveloson Constant, a politician close to Ravalomanana and Manandafy: “When we do actions, NOBODY, not even ANDRY RAJOELINA can stop us”

Time to be afraid in Madagascar.

Guessing game: who is Charles Randrianasoavina?

“Teny Ifampierana” or fake dialogue?

The national workshop named “Teny Ifampierana” organized by the HAT (High Authority of the Transition), started yesterday and is scheduled to finish today at the International Conference Center Ivato, Antananarivo.This workshop is aimed to gather all the political parties, all the associations of the civil society, the Army, the Churches, the religious associations, the Unions and so on, to brainstorm about the conduct of the transition.

This national workshop, in which the four main political opposition movements did not take part, is viewed as the reply from Andry Rajoelina and the HAT to the International condemnation of a unilateral, undemocratic, unconstitutionnal, and exclusive conduct of the transition in Madagascar.

Obviously, Andry Rajoelina, in need of International recognition, wants to give a participatory image (and respectable?) to his transition. The most important thing for him is to make the International community believe that the orange revolution (January – March 2009) which ousted the former president Marc Ravalomanana, was not a military backed coup but just the expression of the will from the whole Malagasy people (the so-called “Vahoaka”) to end Ravalomana’s dictatorship.

Even if it is deemed to be a “brainstorming session”, Andry Rajoelina has already warned that there are “unremovable” points which cannot be discussed nor negotiated:

– no way back to the resolutions of Maputo and Addis-Ababa;

– his title of president of the transition cannot be challenged;

– there must be legislative elections

Two letters from Madagascar: to be analysed

I have here two interesting letters from Andry Nirina Rajoelina and Marc Ravalomanana that I found posted on internet. They both reflect the stand from each side.

Andry Rajoelina, president of the HAT (High Authority of the Transition: an entity which does not legally exist but which 100% rules Madagascar) argues that the International community has to respect the choice of Malagasy people (which means the will to organize legislative / parliamentary elections on March 2010). Yesterday, Andry Nirina Rajoelina has declared during a press conference that the legislative / parliamentary elections will be postponed. He did not specify the date but it is almost sure that it would not go beyond November 2010 which is deemed by Jean Ping, the president of the AU commission as the deadline for the Malagasy transition.

Marc Ravalomanana, former president, condemns the unilateral conduct of the transition, and urges for a strict respect and compliance of the Maputo and Addis-Ababa agreements. These agreements set up the basis of a consensual and inclusive transition.


Andry Rajoelina’s letter

Published on Wall Street Journal on January 21st, 2010

AN OPEN LETTER TO THE FRIENDS OF MADAGASCAR: International meddling is obstructing the restoration of the constitutional order

Madagascar, my country, is sinking into a political crisis of extreme gravity, and there is no exit in sight. This situation is the result of the following series of events:

Last March, my predecessor, Marc Ravalomanana, at last became conscious of the limits of his autocratic exercise of power, having been awakened by an unprecedented popular movement. He took the initiative to leave the country, entrusted a military directory with power, then felt it was right to transfer power to me, as the constitution allowed him to do. The Malagasy High Constitutional Court, which was composed at the time only of members designated by Mr. Ravalomanana, validated these actions and ruled that they were in accordance with the Constitution.

The international community, however, railed against what it deemed a “putsch” or a “coup d’état“—terms that I vigorously oppose, considering not only the Constitutional Court’s approval, but also that the will of the large majority of the Malagasy people is to see me lead the Transitional Government.

As soon as I took office, I clearly said this period of transition should end as quickly as possible. I called for a return to the constitutional order through a rapid referendum, and through transparent and democratic elections. I asked the international community to support my country in these efforts.

The answer (from the United Nations, from the African Union, from the International Francophone Organization, from the Southern African Development Community) consisted of imposing a “consensual and inclusive” transition under the threat of sanctions. The sanctions included suspending the economic help without which my country is condemned to durable and inevitable chaos. The principle of a “consensual and inclusive” transition is in itself perfectly praiseworthy. Unfortunately, this principle clashed with the Malagasy reality, the limits of which the international community has apparently not been able to measure or appreciate.

What kind of consensus could have been found with a former president who is hated by his people, who plundered his country for his exclusive benefit, who ordered the shooting of a crowd demonstrating its legitimate will to see regime change?

Why demand, at all costs, that a national reconciliation process include two former heads of state—one who was deposed by the National Assembly and the other who is under severe penal prosecution, and whose political representation in Madagascar is almost nonexistent?

How could one imagine that a “consensual and inclusive” solution could be found with heads of parties and former heads of state, who have been disqualified by the Malagasy people but brought back to the political stage through gamesmanship? Why, when their sole aim is to demand more than what is reasonable, to block compromise, and to serve only the forces of inertia, should I be the only one held responsible for the failure of negotiations?

There are in Madagascar living forces who are much more representative of the people and of their aspirations than those who are responsible for the failures of the past, and who are still today demonstrating their incapacity to overcome mere partisan interests.

I have however accepted, under pressure from international authorities and considering the risk of eventual sanctions for my country, to compromise with heads of parties designated by these authorities. My hope is that if we are guided solely by the interest of the people and of the country, we can find a consensual way to organize quick elections.

Readers should recall that, despite the fact that I have the support of a large majority of the Malagasy people and of the army, I have, during diverse negotiations in Antananarivo, Maputo, and Addis Ababa, agreed to many compromises—probably more than I should have, given my strong base. But this is not enough for my interlocutors. Their revanchist spirit and appetite for power overwhelm the general interest.

But the Malagasy people have been waiting for six months, impatiently, for the end to an illusory and unnatural mediation. Madagascar is being held hostage to a logic that it does not understand. Because there is no exit in sight and because the country is in the midst of a long stagnation, my fellow citizens are made into victims. There is an urgent need to end this situation.

I have therefore taken the decision to stop participating to the so-called Maputo negotiations. It is my responsibility as president of the Transition is to give the Malagasy people a voice. Only a legitimate authority will be able to democratically put an end to this difficult period of trouble.

I have designated a new prime minister in charge of leading the current government, whom I am confirming in his duties and whose only mission, apart from the management of daily affairs, is to organize the next elections. I can announce that the election of the members of the Constituent Assembly of the Sixth Republic will take place on March 20, 2010. On that date, the current government will resign.

A new prime minister will then be appointed from the party which wins a majority in the next elections. That prime minister will be in charge of forming a new government, taking into account the representation of various political forces in the new parliament. This government, the result of legislative elections, will be charged with organizing presidential elections so that the new president of the Republic could take up his post before June 26.

After the Maputo failure, there is no other solution to end this crisis. The Malagasy people must have the liberty to choose their own future. May the international community understand that there is no other alternative, and help us on the path to return to the constitutional order.

Mr. Rajoelina is president of the high transitional authority of Madagascar.


Marc Ravalomanana’s letter

January 24th, 2010

The leader of Madagascar’s illegal coup regime is attempting the impossible: to re-write recent history in an effort to blame the international community, not himself, for Madagascar’s nightmarish woes.
Only a tyrannical dictator would hijack a country at gunpoint; oust democratically-elected leaders; commit grave human rights violations; and bring the nation to the brink of social, economic, and political ruin.
Incredibly and ironically, the coup leader proclaims himself a champion of democracy and the masses, while banning opponents from the political process, reneging on political agreements, and laying the groundwork for sham elections, defying the wishes of the Malagasy people and the world for the return of genuine democracy and constitutional order.
Since the coup in Madagascar last March, the international community – the United Nations, the African Union, the Southern African Development Community, the European Union, and the United States – has consistently branded the coup regime illegal and unacceptable.
Last year, with the support of the international community, Madagascar’s four main political movements, including one representing the coup regime, signed an agreement to form a consensus and inclusive transition government.
The Maputo Agreements provided a framework for exiting the crisis and restoring democracy and constitutional order.
However, the coup regime quickly abandoned the agreement and resumed its oppressive crackdown on the Malagasy people.
Restoring democracy, human rights, and constitutional order in Madagascar is non-negotiable.
As the twice democratically-elected president of Madagascar, I repeat my commitment to finding a consensual and inclusive solution to this crisis.
I urge all fellow Malagasy citizens, with the support and help of the international community, to join hands on the path to righteousness.
By respecting the Maputo Agreements and by forming the agreed-upon transition government, we can restore democracy and constitutional order.
This is the solution sought by the vast majority of the Malagasy people, and this is the solution the international community supports.

January 26, 2009: Black Monday

Monday January 26, 2009 – Tuesday January 26, 2010 … one year ago, Antananarivo, the capital of Madagascar, the city where I was born, was set on fire by rioters led by people who believed that “their time have come” One year ago, it was the so-called “black monday

Monday January 26, 2009, I went to work as every Monday. I was far away to know that I would live a traumatizing day. At that time, I worked for a business law firm located in the “Business Explorer Park” (commonly known as the “village des jeux”) in Ankorondrano. My workmates and I started the day with the review of all the files that needed to be reported to our boss. I opened my facebook page, my Gtalk and my Yahoo messenger (at that time, I had internet at office!). Our administrative assistant dropped something like: “Today is gonna be a good day! Look, the sky is so bright!” I drunk my coffee and checked the headlines on newspapers. “Gosh! It’ s all about politics! I’ m tired of it!” I said to my colleague. “What else do you want them to talk about?” He replied to me. Since Andry Rajoelina and his followers have succeeded to have their daily rallies in “place du 13 mai” (May 13th square, the place of all Malagasy revolutions), political news were headlined by all the main daily newspapers in Madagascar. We had our weekly staff meeting with our managing partner in order to organize all the works for the week. We planned a lot of goals and deadlines to be achieved for the whole week as we knew nothing about how the events would affect our lives …

Around 10.30 am Madagascar time, a friend of mine called me. She worked in Anosipatrana. With a hysterical voice, she told me that hundreds of rioters have  attacked the MBS Group (the telecommunication group which belonged to Marc Ravalomanana) and burnt everything. I could not believe what I have just heared: the MBS Group? On fire? Why? I remember that I told to my colleagues: “Guys … this time, it’s gonna be a real s**t” I decided to call one of my friend who worked as a journalist, he gave me the confirmation that I was scared of: most of the rioters belonged to the “shock troop” of Andry Rajoelina. These guys were in charge of the security of Andry Rajoelina and most of the decision makers who worked around him. According to my friend, they sang “you shut Viva, we burn MBS” Our first reaction was to switch on the radio and the TV set in order to check if MBS radio and MBS Tv still broadcasted … Huge silence and blank screen …

I tried to look for more news on internet. I found out that there was another tragedy which occured in Anosy just before the burning of MBS: Andry Rajoelina and his followers came to the tribunal of Anosy to ask for the immediate release of three young students who were convicted for having bombed some ministries with Molotov Cocktails. The public prosecutor did not want to talk to them. The crowd that Andry Rajoelina led expressed its anger  and disappointment with a huge stonning against the glasses of the tribunal. Knowing that, I immediately called my dad who worked as a barrister. I was afraid that he got stucked in the tribunal. Fortunately, he was away in Behoririka. He told me that several “tough guys who looked like dirty hooligans” were attacking shops and assaulting people.

After the tribunal, Andry Rajoelina and his followers moved to TVM and RNM (national public radio – TV). Andry Rajoelina made a quick speech in which he denounced the policy of these two stations which closed their doors to the opposition. There, some guys – just after the speech – runned to the premises of TVM and RNM and throwed Molotoc Cocktails. In a minute, the whole premises were on fire. The security forces who kept these two national stations have been reported missing. I was completely terrified: MBS? RNM? TVM? Are they going to burn all the  TV and radio stations in Antananarivo? We could see the black smoke through our office windows.

At 02.54 pm, after attacking Magro of behoririka and Blueprint (both companies belonged to Marc Ravalomanana), thousand of rioters came to Ankorondrano and looted the Magro’s headquarters and the Auditorium. It was a nightmarish scene … Thousand of people who run to Magro and Auditorium to stel what they can … Few minutes after, Magro and Auditorium were burnt …

Several companies were victim of looting during the black monday: Courts, Jumbo Score, Zoom, Supreme Center, … these companies which had nothing to do with the crisis, were unfairly looted and burnt.

Monday, January 26, 2009 is considered as the beginning of the fall of Marc Ravalomanana’s power in Madagascar. Everyone has noticed that security forces (police, gendarmerie, army) were strangly missing during that day. Did they receive instructions from Marc Ravalomanana not to react in order to avoid a bloodshed? Did they really mean not to act in order to show to Marc Ravalomanana that he was not anymore the real leader of the country?

Some politicians, close to Andry Rajoelina and the TGV, declared that all these lootings were the expression of a  social explosion.  I agree with the social explosion but to that extent?  That’s  too big to be swallowed …

One year ago, very late in the evening in a Internet Café in Analamahitsy, I posted my own testimony about the events and my feelings about how disgusting the policy of the “orange revolution” has become to oust Marc Ravalomanana. Are we always obliged to burn and to loot when we want to change our leaders in this country ??! One thing is sure, anyone who has taken part into this shameful event did not take profit from it. So … who is the looser in the story?

Daily rallies of the opposition have moved to Anosikely

After the success of the rally that the three movements had last Saturday in Anosikely (downtown of Antananarivo), just in front of the Senate palace, the leaders of the main opposition to Andry Rajoelina and his HAT (High Authority of the Transition) have publicly announced the same day that they will have their daily rallies on this new place that they have renamed “place of reconciliation”.

Place of reconciliation

The choice of such name was not fortuitous since the three former presidents’ movements have decided to unify their effort and to merge to become one great opposition resistance movement named “Madagasikara movement”. This merger was seen as a (fake or casual?) reconciliation between politicians who have in common the denial of the inclusive and autoritarian transition of Andry Rajoelina.

Future actions

According to Zafy Albert and Manandafy Rakotonirina, the most important target of the movement is to complete the setting up of the transition government and the institutions provided by the Maputo convention and Addis-Ababa additional agreement. This means that the “Madagasikara movement” will try to take over the ministries in order to put “their ministers” in their ministerial seats. This reminds us the actions made by Andry Rajoelina and his people on january 2009. Such target justifies the choice of Anosikely as location for the daily rallies of the Madagasikara movement: most of the key ministries are located around and within the district of Anosy.

If the Madagasikara movement really have the intention to take over the ministries in Anosy, we all can expect some “heavy clashes” between ralliers and security forces. According to some local journalists, such take over will occur this week…



Following the proposal from the three movements (Zafy – Ratsiraka – Ravalomanana), yesterday in Carlton Hotel, to give the power to militaries to settle the political deadlock created by the intransigence of the Rajoelina movement to make concessions on the power-sharing of the positions of president, vice-president, prime minister of the transitional administration, the Malagasy Army has just made an official declaration today at the International Conference Centre of Ivato. This declaration has been brought by the Major General Claude Ravelomanana, Secretary of State of the National Gendarmerie, and is stated in seven parts:

Part 01: The Malagasy Army is united;

Part 02: The Malagasy Army denounces all act aiming to destabilize the solidarity of the Malagasy Army;

Part 03: In compliance with the resolutions of tyhe military assizes, the Malagasy Army does not get involved in politics;

Part 04: The Malagasy Army advocates the National Sovereignty;

Part 05: The Armed Forces refuse the establishment of a Mili tary Executive;

Part 06: The Armed Forces will condemn all appointment which have not been granted with a prior authorization from the relevant authorities within the Malagasy Army;

Part 07: The Armed Forces maintain a neutral stand and remain the defender of the supreme interest of the nation.